---
aliases:
- Kurt Riezler
- Riezler
- Kurt Karl Joseph Siegmund Riezler
- Curt Riezler
- J. J. Ruedorffer
- J. J. Ruedorfer
- Kurt Ruedorfer
born: 1882-02-11
category: Intelligence & Government
created: 2026-10-09
died: 1955-09-05
location: Munich; Berlin; Stockholm; Moscow; Frankfurt; New York
relations:
- end: 1919
  fn: 1
  start: 1906
  type: employed_by
  with: '[[German Foreign Office]]'
- end: 1917
  fn: 1
  start: 1914
  type: reported_to
  with: '[[Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg]]'
- end: 1918
  fn: 11
  role: official who passed the funds
  start: 1915
  type: participant_in
  with: '[[German wartime support for the Russian revolutionary movement]]'
- end: 1918
  fn: 22
  role: head of the Russian section
  start: 1917
  type: head_of
  with: '[[German Legation in Stockholm]]'
- end: 1918-08
  fn: 47
  role: acting head of the mission
  start: 1918-07
  type: head_of
  with: '[[German Embassy in Moscow]]'
- end: 1920
  fn: 1
  role: head of the president's office
  start: 1919
  type: head_of
  with: '[[Office of the President of Germany]]'
- fn: 1
  role: honorary professor and managing chairman of the board of curators
  start: 1928
  type: appointed
  with: '[[University of Frankfurt]]'
- fn: 55
  start: 1915
  type: spouse_of
  with: '[[Käthe Liebermann]]'
- fn: 55
  role: father-in-law
  type: relative_of
  with: '[[Max Liebermann]]'
- fn: 1
  role: son-in-law
  type: relative_of
  with: '[[Howard B. D. White]]'
- end: 1952
  fn: 58
  role: professor of philosophy, Graduate Faculty
  start: 1939
  type: employed_by
  with: '[[New School for Social Research]]'
- fn: 61
  role: member of the Study Group on Germany; listed among its researchers
  type: member_of
  with: '[[Institute of World Affairs]]'
summary: German diplomat and adviser to Chancellor Bethmann Hollweg, head of the Russian
  section at Stockholm in 1917, acting head of the Moscow mission after the Mirbach
  assassination, and New School professor from 1939.
tags:
- Person
- KurtRiezler
- BethmannHollweg
- JulyCrisis1914
- Parvus
- Stockholm1917
- Mirbach
- Moscow1918
- Weimar
- NewSchool
- LeoStrauss
- FischerControversy
- FrankfurtSchool
- UniversityInExile
updated: 2026-10-09
---

Kurt Riezler (February 11, 1882 to September 5, 1955) was a German diplomat, political adviser and philosopher of history. He served as secretary and adviser to Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann Hollweg during the First World War, headed the Russian section of the German legation in Stockholm in 1917, acted as head of the German mission in [Moscow](/places/moscow/) after the murder of Count Wilhelm von Mirbach-Harff in 1918, and after emigrating in 1938 taught at the [New School for Social Research](/organizations/new-school-for-social-research/) in [New York](/places/new-york-city/).[^1][^2]

### Adviser to the Chancellor

Riezler entered the Foreign Office press department in 1906 and became a legation councillor in 1910. In August 1914 he followed Bethmann Hollweg to the Great Headquarters, and in January 1915 he was attached to the Imperial Chancellery.[^1] The catalogue of German war aims that Bethmann Hollweg sent to State Secretary Clemens von Delbrück on September 9, 1914, known as the September Program, was developed by Riezler. The Neue Deutsche Biographie states that no direct influence of Riezler on Bethmann's decisions can be shown, but that he had a considerable share in conceiving imperialist expansion and in giving German war aims their system.[^1]

His prewar books were *Die Erforderlichkeit des Unmöglichen* and, under the pseudonym J. J. Ruedorffer, *Grundzüge der Weltpolitik in der Gegenwart* (1914). The NDB dates the first book to 1913; Holger Afflerbach dates it to 1912.[^1][^2] The second argued that the threat of mutual destruction had made war between the great powers irrational, while a skilful bluff could exploit the fear of such a war to win limited gains.[^2] Afflerbach notes that the chancellor's own papers were destroyed, so that Riezler's notes are the only direct access to Bethmann Hollweg's thinking in the July crisis.[^2]

### The Diaries and the Fischer Controversy

Riezler's diaries and war writings for 1910 to 1919 were published in 1972 as *Tagebücher, Aufsätze, Dokumente*, edited by Karl Dietrich Erdmann for the Historische Kommission of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences. The heirs gave permission only after long hesitation.[^2][^3] The edition went out of print, and a second edition in 2008 reprinted the 1972 text photomechanically with a new introduction by Afflerbach.[^2]

Fritz Fischer's *Griff nach der Weltmacht* (1961) had argued that German policy in the First World War was directed at expansionist aims.[^2] After 1964 the diary entries for July 1914 became the central text of the Fischer controversy, in which historians argued over whether the notes confirmed or qualified Fischer's thesis on German responsibility for the war.[^1] Fischer and others doubted that the entries from July 7 to August 14, 1914 reproduced the original diary.[^4]

Bernd Sösemann carried out the most substantial criticism of the edition. Afflerbach writes that the papers had been closed to use by Riezler's heirs, and that Sösemann compared the printed text with the papers in the Federal Archives at Koblenz after he finally obtained permission to use them. He found extensive deletions in the original August 1914 diary that the edition did not mention. Erdmann later supplied a plausible explanation for them, but doubts about the edition's reliability remained for a long time.[^2] The Riezler papers at Koblenz (Bundesarchiv, N 1584) comprise ten numbered items dated 1910 to 1983, catalogued as diaries and notes together with investigation documents on the authenticity of the diaries.[^5] Sösemann's study of the manuscripts' authenticity and of the edition appeared in Historische Zeitschrift in 1983.[^1] Erdmann replied in the same journal that year.[^1] Sösemann returned to the July entries in 2014 with a critical edition.[^6] The NDB summarizes his source-critical findings as doubts about the reliability of the edition and the authenticity of some notes, and it calls the value of the July 1914 volume questionable.[^1]

The historian Volker Ullrich wrote in 1997 that the doubts about the authenticity of the July 1914 notes raised in the 1980s had largely proven unfounded, and that the source remained central to the question of German war guilt.[^2]

Andreas Hillgruber took up Riezler's prewar idea of calculated risk in a 1966 article in *Historische Zeitschrift* and asked whether the July crisis could be explained as a calculation of this kind.[^1][^2] Afflerbach regards Hillgruber's reading and Erdmann's reading of Bethmann's fatalism as correct and complementary.[^2]

Afflerbach also cites the historian Fritz Stern, who wrote in 1967 that the diaries are most burdened by what they omit, namely the passages that would have documented Bethmann's efforts for peace.[^2] He cites Wolfgang J. Mommsen's short study of Riezler, which found the importance of the diaries in their devastating criticism of the political traditions of the German upper classes.[^2][^7]

### Parvus and the Lenin Transport, 1915 to 1917

A telegram of January 13, 1915, sent by State Secretary Gottlieb von Jagow from General Headquarters, said that Riezler was to meet the Russian revolutionary Parvus (Alexander Helphand) in Berlin, and that "Parvus must not know that Riezler comes from General Headquarters."[^8] Z.A.B. Zeman and W. B. Scharlau write that Riezler "was sent over from the General Headquarters to Berlin 'with more detailed instructions'" before Helphand's reception at the Wilhelmstrasse.[^9] Erdmann writes that Parvus had turned to the Reich government in January 1915 through the German embassy in Constantinople, offering the overthrow of tsarism and the division of Russia into smaller states, that he was called to [Berlin](/places/berlin/), and that Riezler, who was to negotiate with him, seemed unconvinced that the revolutionizing of Russia had so far been pursued from Germany with particular skill.[^10] The dates of the meeting differ across the sources. Wenzel places Riezler at a late February 1915 meeting between Jagow and Parvus, at which Parvus proposed a plan for taking Germany out of the war by promoting revolution in Russia, asked for two million marks, and received one million at once.[^11] Wayne C. Thompson gives March 6, 1915 for Riezler's discreet meeting with Parvus in Berlin, and writes that there is no record of what they discussed.[^12] Erdmann treats a memorandum by Parvus dated March 9, 1915 as the outcome of his conversations with Riezler in Berlin.[^10] Stefan T. Possony wrote that Parvus was received by the German State Secretary, had long discussions with Riezler, and was given one million marks and later another 500,000.[^13] Wenzel attributes the two-million figure to Elisabeth Heresch's 2000 book.[^14] Zeman and Scharlau write that Helphand's revolutionary programme was presented to the Foreign Ministry in March 1915, that "at the end of March he received, from the Foreign Ministry, the first payment of one million marks for these purposes," and that at his request the money was transferred, "exclusive of losses incurred in exchange," to Bucharest, Zurich and Copenhagen.[^15]

Semion Lyandres notes that after the Germans put a first million rubles at Parvus's disposal in 1915, he set up an organization in Copenhagen with agents in Russia who gave financial help to revolutionary groups. He adds that no direct evidence has been found that these agents financed the Bolsheviks.[^16]

On April 9, 1917 the German minister in Copenhagen telegraphed that Parvus had asked to be told at once when the Russian emigrants travelling from Switzerland through Germany reached Malmö or Sassnitz, because he wished to meet them in Malmö. The Foreign Ministry replied on April 10 that they would arrive at Sassnitz at noon on Wednesday. The editorial note in Z.A.B. Zeman's collection quotes Karl Radek (1924) that in Stockholm Parvus tried to see Vladimir Lenin in the name of the Central Committee of the German Social Democrats and that Lenin refused, asking Radek, Vorovsky and Jakub Fürstenberg (Hanecki) to record the attempt.[^17] Erdmann reads Riezler's diary note of April 13, 1917, that Russia would be ready for larger concessions in a few weeks, as probably connected with Lenin's return to Russia.[^18]

Erdmann writes that the transport of the Russian revolutionaries, which left Zürich on April 9 and reached Petrograd on April 16, was carried out by the Foreign Office and military offices on the order of the Supreme Army Command, on an instruction from Bethmann Hollweg that he reported to the Kaiser by telegram on April 11. Erdmann presumes that Riezler took part in the preliminary deliberations given his area of work, though he appears to have had no official responsibility, and notes that the files, which document the journey in bureaucratic detail, do not show his name. According to several of his friends, Riezler nevertheless felt politically co-responsible for Lenin's return. Arnold Brecht wrote to Erdmann on September 8, 1970 that it was established, from Riezler's own statements to friends, that Riezler had accompanied the transport; in his memoirs Brecht wrote that Riezler was not the originator of the plan but had carried out an assignment given to him. Kurt von Fritz confirmed the fact of a Lenin adventure without details.[^18]

Erdmann also reports an episode that he calls not fully illuminated, the unscheduled stop of many hours in Berlin, where a deliberate missing of the connection to the Sassnitz ferry has some probability in his view. Possony, in *Lenin: The Compulsive Revolutionary* (Chicago, 1964; German edition 1965), wrote that it was conceivable that Lenin conferred with German officials in Berlin and, if so, possible that he saw Riezler, adding that Riezler later told a friend that he had sent an emissary to the train but that the talk took place only on the ferry between Germany and Sweden.[^19] Erdmann reports that on Possony's reading Riezler's note of April 13 might go back directly to an impression of a conversation with Lenin, and judges this speculation probably absurd, because Lenin wished not to compromise himself and the diary places Riezler in Berlin on April 10 and 11, although he may have gone to the train on the 11th or accompanied it to the ferry port.[^18] Thompson writes that the train had a layover of twelve to twenty hours in Berlin, that no documentary evidence or diary entry supports a meeting with a German official, that Riezler was in Berlin at the time, and that it was unlikely he would have boarded the train; he gives the same account of what Riezler told a friend.[^20] Erdmann also reports that Karl Rheindorf, a former professor of history at [Frankfurt](/places/frankfurt/) and a friend of Riezler, had the impression after the war that Lenin and Leon Trotsky were a memory that weighed on Riezler in his last years.[^18]

### Stockholm and the Russian Desk, 1917

After Bethmann Hollweg's fall Riezler returned to the Foreign Office.[^1] Erdmann gives August 5, 1917 as the date he re-entered the service, and records a memorandum by Legationsrat Rudolf Nadolny of September 24, 1917 and a decree of Chancellor Georg Michaelis of September 29 that outlined his task. Nadolny proposed sending a politically trained official to Stockholm to set up a Russian section, so to speak Germany's representative stationed there for Russia, working independently with his reports countersigned by the minister, Hellmuth Lucius von Stoedten.[^21] Erdmann has Riezler beginning the work on October 3, 1917 and officially installed on November 1. The editorial note in Zeman's documentary collection says that he went to the legation in Stockholm in September 1917 as counsellor to run the newly created Russian section, and that he was recalled to Berlin in April 1918. The NDB dates his assignment to lead the section to November 1917.[^1][^21][^22]

Erdmann quotes Riezler's diary entry of October 3, 1917 that peace in the East depended on a wonder in the form of a man appearing. The diary has no entries from October 3, 1917 to January 14, 1918, and the entry of January 14, 1918 described Lenin's seizure of power as a miracle for Germany's rescue.[^21] Thompson writes that Riezler gave no information in the diary on his activities in support of the Bolshevik Revolution, that no documents in the Foreign Office archives show how he helped the Bolsheviks in October, and that it is certain he was charged with funding Bolshevik operations. Thompson adds that on October 25, 1917 one hundred thousand Swiss francs were sent by courier from Germany to the Bolsheviks in Russia, and that with this money German agents were able to continue buying rifles and machine guns from Russian soldiers for the Bolshevik Red Guards.[^23]

Wenzel describes Riezler as the most important intermediary between the German government and Lenin's agents in 1917, to whom he handed aid from the so-called Riezler-Fonds for Russia.[^11] Wenzel cites Richard Pipes's German edition of *The Russian Revolution* for that sentence.[^24] Erdmann's editorial note reports that after Riezler had gone to Moscow, State Secretary Richard von Kühlmann spoke occasionally of a "Riezlerfonds", citing a document in Zeman's collection.[^25]

Zeman and Scharlau write that when Helphand arrived in Stockholm in November 1917 he was received by Counsellor Kurt Riezler, whom he had first met in March 1915, when Helphand presented his revolutionary programme to the Foreign Ministry. They write that Riezler "abbreviated the address so that the message should reach the majority socialists only," in connection with the Bolshevik declaration of November 17 and 18, 1917; that "to his utter dismay, Riezler found that Helphand's ideas were supported by Vorovski"; and that "Riezler did his best to discredit both Helphand and Erzberger in the eyes of the Bolsheviks."[^26]

The paper trail for the money runs through Zeman's collection of documents from the German Foreign Ministry. On November 8, 1917 Riezler's telegram, sent through the minister in Stockholm, asked for two million from the War Loan to be forwarded for agreed purposes.[^27] On November 10 the under state secretary replied that half the sum would be taken by courier that Sunday and the remainder on the Tuesday, and that further sums were available if necessary.[^28] Zeman and Scharlau write that on November 9, 1917 the Treasury allowed a further fifteen million marks for political purposes in Russia, that the Foreign Ministry knew the Bolshevik government had to struggle "with great financial difficulties," and that "a further two million for known purposes" were transferred for the same reason.[^29] Erdmann describes the request as one for two million marks from the war loan, made the day after the revolution, granted at once with further funds promised, and writes that the sums that went through Riezler to Petrograd cannot be established.[^21] Possony reads the same documents as a request for two million in war bonds and a shipment on November 10 of one million rubles; Thompson writes that the document of November 10 indicates that Riezler had dispensed millions of rubles for use in Russia.[^30][^31]

On December 3, 1917 the State Secretary telegraphed the Foreign Ministry liaison officer at General Headquarters that the disruption of the Entente was the most important war aim of German diplomacy and that the subversive activity carried out in Russia behind the front had been, "in the first place promotion of separatist tendencies and support of the Bolsheviks." The telegram continues: "It was not until the Bolsheviks had received from us a steady flow of funds through various channels and under different labels that they were in a position to be able to build up their main organ, Pravda, to conduct energetic propaganda and appreciably to extend the originally narrow basis of their party."[^32]

Lyandres does not name Riezler. His study of the July 1917 charges argues that the Provisional Government's accusation, that German money reached Lenin through Helphand's business and its Petrograd agents, was never substantiated. He nonetheless holds that German Foreign Ministry documents show substantial funds allocated to Bolshevik anti-war activity in 1917, and that these did not travel through the business channel alleged. The one documented pre-revolutionary transfer he identifies is a contribution then valued at 230,000 German marks that the Bolshevik Foreign Bureau in Stockholm received from the Swiss socialist Carl Moor in summer 1917, after the published minutes of the Central Committee had recorded that the offer was declined. Lyandres writes that the Bureau used the sum to finance the Third Zimmerwald Conference, which met in Stockholm in September 1917, that it never reached the organization in Petrograd, and that Moor worked independently of Parvus.[^33]

Wenzel reports that Riezler's telegram to the Chancellor of November 12, 1917 stated that Lenin and Trotsky were said to hold very great personal authority among their followers and would probably be able to keep order in their party and to obtain and keep dictatorial power. In a letter of November 25 to Minister Diego Bergen, Wenzel writes, Riezler said that the Bolsheviks would not be dissuaded from the idea of international revolution even after a peace, so that the best case was a most strange peace without regular intercourse between the two peoples, while assuming that their rule would be short.[^34] Wenzel adds that Riezler found the Soviet representative in Scandinavia, Vorovsky, reasonable and educated, and that Riezler was told six weeks later that Vorovsky had said on hearing of the Vienna strikes of January 1918 that the international revolution was beginning.[^34] Erdmann records that Riezler's main interlocutor in Stockholm was Vorovsky, who made on him an honest and reasonable impression.[^35]

### Parvus, Radek and the Funds

Zeman's introduction states that Helphand, known as Parvus, played the most important part in Germany's relations with the Russian revolutionary movement from the spring of 1915 until November 1917, when he parted company with the German government.[^22] Erdmann's introduction records that shortly after the October Revolution Parvus agreed, in personal talks with Friedrich Ebert and Philipp Scheidemann in Berlin and with Radek and Vorovsky in Stockholm, an exchange of declarations of sympathy, to be expressed in mass meetings and in a resolution for an immediate armistice.[^36]

Erdmann writes that Riezler's dealings in Stockholm were mainly with three Bolsheviks of Polish origin. Riezler called Radek the most active and gifted, completely unscrupulous but extremely skilful and a gifted writer, and described Fürstenberg-Hanecki as enjoying Lenin's particular trust but under fire in the party for his political and business relations with Parvus.[^35] According to Zeman's editorial note, Radek and Hanecki were the two closest contacts of Parvus's among the Bolsheviks.[^17] The December 1917 correspondence shows the friction. On December 18 Riezler telegraphed that Parvus wished to stay in Stockholm over Christmas to talk with Radek and Fürstenberg, who were returning from Petrograd.[^37] The reply from Berlin on December 19 said it seemed expedient to keep Parvus away from Stockholm while the preliminary peace negotiations began.[^38]

On December 24, 1917 Riezler wrote to Minister Bergen enclosing a secret memorandum on Parvus's recent role. He advised Bergen to consult Parvus in Berlin on the Rumanian question and wrote: "It may well be that we shall soon feel that it would be an advantage to base our position in Russia on wider circles than those around Lenin." He wrote that the Radeks "are apparently spinning some international revolutionary web of their own." The memorandum says that Parvus had overestimated the confidence that Vorovsky and Radek placed in him, and that Riezler had "had to eliminate him from all questions concerned with methods for negotiation."[^39]

Wenzel reports that on January 24, 1918 Riezler sent the Chancellor a bleak description of the situation in Russia, proposing that German policy place its hope in Ukraine, and that on March 8 Riezler wrote that a fall of the Bolsheviks before a general peace seemed to him contrary to German interests, with the reservation that if a countermovement would win in any case, an early understanding with it was called for, and the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk should then be treated as liquidation assets.[^34]

### Moscow and the Mirbach Assassination, 1918

Riezler went to Moscow as counsellor of embassy after the peace with Russia of April 7, 1918.[^1] Wenzel describes him as number two in the mission under Mirbach, who arrived in Moscow on April 23 or 24, 1918 at the head of a mission that finally numbered 120 persons. Wenzel records that the army representative on the mission, Major Karl von Bothmer, kept a diary marked by antisemitism and had an antipathy to Riezler, among other reasons because Riezler read the Frankfurter Zeitung and was married to the daughter of the Jewish painter Max Liebermann; Wenzel cites Erdmann for this.[^40] On April 29 Riezler chaired a meeting of ten members of the mission on financial questions, which concluded that the Bolsheviks' economic policy stood in glaring contradiction to the economic provisions of the Brest-Litovsk treaty.[^41]

On May 16, 1918 the minister in Moscow telegraphed that he was still trying to counter the efforts of the Entente and to support the Bolsheviks, and asked for instructions on whether the overall situation justified larger sums and which trend to support if the Bolsheviks could not hold out.[^42] On May 18, 1918 State Secretary Kühlmann replied that it was greatly in German interests that the Bolsheviks should survive, and added: "Riezler's funds at your disposal." The telegram goes on that it was very difficult to say which trend to support if the Bolsheviks fell, that left-wing Social Revolutionaries would fall with them, and that Germany had no interest in supporting Monarchist ideas, which would reunite Russia: "On the contrary, we must try to prevent Russian consolidation as far as possible and, from this point of view, we must therefore support the parties furthest to the left."[^43]

Wenzel reports that on June 4 Riezler telegraphed Bergen personally that the physical means of the Bolsheviks were running out and that Germany should prepare a future government of understanding and revise the Brest peace against economic hegemony in all Russia. He also reports a note of June 5 by Legationsrat Trautmann for the Reich Treasury state secretary Siegfried von Rödern, stating that Mirbach needed three million marks a month to counter the Entente's efforts with the Soviet executive committee and a fund of forty million to secure a safe transition in the event of the Bolsheviks' fall, and that Kühlmann wrote privately to Rödern, who agreed on June 11, 1918. Thompson, citing no date for the approval, writes that on June 8 Riezler was granted forty million marks.[^44][^45] Wenzel also writes that on June 2 Mirbach sent the Chancellor a memorandum by Legationsrat Count Bassewitz and advised preparing, at first only cautiously, for a possible regrouping, that Kühlmann noted in the margin "Einverstanden, aber sehr behutsam" (agreed, but very cautiously), and that Mirbach reported on June 20 three conversations Riezler had held with a group formed by the former agriculture minister Alexander Krivoshein.[^44]

Mirbach was assassinated on July 6, 1918. According to Thompson, who draws on Riezler's recollection, two Russians, Jacob Blyumkin and N. Andreyev, came to the embassy at about 2:30 p.m. with identification signed by Felix Dzerzhinsky, head of the Cheka; Riezler, who had been ordered to see all visitors, spoke with them first, and was seated with Mirbach and the translator when the shooting began; neither Riezler nor the translator was hit.[^46] Thompson writes that actual guilt for the murder "remains far from clear."[^46] Riezler's telegram to Berlin on July 7 attributed the attack to two Left Socialist Revolutionaries who were members of the Cheka.[^47] Wenzel identifies the assassin as Yakov Blumkin, who was responsible for counter-intelligence and for infiltrating the German mission.[^47] The NDB states that after the murder Riezler took over the mission and developed ideas for the overthrow of the Bolsheviks by a German counter-revolution.[^1] Riezler then led the mission until Karl Helfferich arrived as Mirbach's successor. Helfferich was ordered to Berlin to report on the ninth day after his arrival in Moscow, and Riezler ran the mission again until its move to Petrograd, after which he was sent to Pskov behind the front line.[^48]

Wenzel writes that Georgy Chicherin, Lev Karakhan, Dzerzhinsky and Radek (then head of the department for Central European affairs in the Foreign Commissariat) came to the legation to condole, that Lenin stayed in the Kremlin until Riezler insisted that he appear in person and give a statement and an apology, and he quotes Pipes that this was a wholly unusual demand of a foreign diplomat toward a head of state, but that German influence was then so great that Lenin had to comply.[^49] In a 1952 account Riezler gave to Hans von Saucken, whose memorandum of the account is dated New York, September 29, 1952, Riezler described a meeting with Lenin after the murder. Lenin offered a correct but icy apology and promised that the guilty would be punished. Riezler told him that Blumkin and his accomplice had been admitted to the mission only on a letter of introduction from Dzerzhinsky. Dzerzhinsky, Wenzel reports, said to Lenin in Russian that he now knew who was behind the affair, and declared his signature forged.[^50] Wenzel's note adds that Saucken confused the Left Socialist Revolutionaries with the Mensheviks, which was corrected in an addendum of October 31, 1952.[^50]

Wenzel reports that on July 8 Riezler telegraphed, marked very secret, about a conversation with Karakhan, who had raised in strict confidence the Bolsheviks' knowledge of the mission's counter-revolutionary connections; Riezler answered that the Bolsheviks had every reason to be grateful if the mission helped them divide the bourgeois elements and prevent a united counter-revolutionary front.[^49] On July 14 Riezler wrote to the Foreign Office that he had won over Murav'ev, the commander of the Bolshevik front against the Czechoslovak Legion, with considerable funds for energetic action. Wenzel adds that Murav'ev, certainly bought with higher sums by the Entente as Chicherin later admitted, defected in early July 1918, issued a declaration of war against Germany, and was killed by his own men a few days later.[^49] On July 19 Riezler told Radek and Vorovsky that the whole world condemned the shooting of the Tsar.[^49]

On July 19 Riezler wrote to the Chancellor that the Bolsheviks were finished, and proposed that a German-oriented government in Moscow and Petrograd could sweep away the Entente's counter-revolutionary structure. On July 20 he forwarded a report from Russian monarchist circles.[^49] On July 23 he reported a meeting with an emissary of the Siberian government in Omsk, who was to leave for Omsk the day before and return in about three and a half weeks with Admiral Aleksandr Kolchak in disguise; Riezler answered the question whether money was necessary in the affirmative, provided the legation bought goods at real prices.[^49]

In a diary entry of September 12, 1918, written at Oberstdorf, Riezler called German policy in the East a field of rubble without a unified plan.[^48] He was back in Berlin by late August, and on October 7, 1918 he became chief of the cabinet of the new State Secretary Wilhelm Solf under Prince Max of Baden.[^1]

### Weimar: The President's Office and Frankfurt

During the Munich council republic of 1919 Riezler served the Reich government as its permanent representative to the Bavarian government in Bamberg, and he supported the military action to conquer Munich.[^1] His last political office, held in 1919 and 1920, was head of the office of President Friedrich Ebert with the rank of envoy.[^1]

In 1928 Riezler became an honorary professor of the philosophy of history at the University of Frankfurt and managing chairman of the university's board of curators. Thompson writes that his terms were accepted on April 5, 1928 after much delay, and that among the appointments he successfully made were those of Max Wertheimer, Karl Mannheim, Max Horkheimer, Ernst Kantorowicz, Paul Tillich and the economist Adolph Löwe.[^51] The NDB states that his teaching licence was withdrawn in 1934 under the Law for the Restoration of the Professional Civil Service.[^1] Thompson writes that on April 1, 1933 an SA unit occupied the university, that Riezler was driven from the lecture podium, put in protective custody, and released only on consenting to a temporary resignation as curator, and that his permanent separation came with the Law of April 7, 1933.[^52]

A chronology of Mannheim's Frankfurt years records that on August 14, 1929 the board offered additional funds for Mannheim's teaching assignment, that on November 8 Riezler passed the faculty's objections to the Prussian minister Becker in Berlin and asked the ministry to win both Hans Kelsen and Mannheim for Frankfurt, and that on December 17 Mannheim set Riezler six conditions for his future chair. On December 21 Riezler told a ministry official that the conditions were justified. Mannheim was appointed professor of sociology on January 27, 1930 and took up the post on April 1.[^53]

Amalia Barboza's study of Mannheim's sociological seminar and the Institute for Social Research records that Riezler wanted the university to become a centre of interdisciplinary research, and that Löwe was appointed in spring 1931 partly for that purpose.[^54] Barboza states that the cooperation between the neighbours which Riezler had hoped for did not come about. She cites meetings in Riezler's and Tillich's homes, where Mannheim and members of the institute met.[^54] On June 27, 1931 a discussion on secular civilization and the mission of Christianity was held at Tillich's house, with Horkheimer, Friedrich Pollock, Mannheim, Theodor Wiesengrund (Theodor Adorno) and Riezler among the participants.[^53][^54]

### Family

Riezler married Käthe Liebermann, the only child of Max Liebermann and Martha Marckwald. The Liebermann Villa in Berlin gives the wedding date as May 11, 1915, at the registry office in Berlin-Mitte, and Thompson gives the same date; the NDB gives 1916.[^1][^55][^56] Their only child, Maria (Mary), was born in 1917 and married Howard B. D. White, a professor at the New School.[^1][^55] The NDB gives Käthe's dates as 1885 to 1952. The Deutsches Literaturarchiv Marbach authority record gives 1885 to 1955.[^1][^57]

### Emigration and the New School

After his removal from the Frankfurt posts, Riezler emigrated to the United States at the end of 1938, where he took a professorship at the New School for Social Research and a visiting professorship at the University of Chicago.[^1] Thompson gives December 1938 as the month the family travelled, bringing Max Liebermann's art collection and furniture.[^56] The Editors' Note in the 1956 memorial issue of Social Research states that Riezler was Professor of Philosophy in the Graduate Faculty of the New School from 1939 to 1952, when he became Professor Emeritus; Thompson likewise writes that he retired from the New School in 1952 and received the title of professor emeritus.[^58][^59] The Marbach record lists his affiliation with the New School as circa 1939 to 1954, and the NDB states that he returned to [Rome](/places/rome/) in 1954 and later to Munich, where he died in 1955.[^1][^57] The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek authority record, in the Kalliope catalogue, adds that he was expatriated in 1944.[^60]

The New School's finding aid for the [Institute of World Affairs](/organizations/institute-of-world-affairs/) states that the Institute, established in 1942 as an independent unit of the New School, developed from two divisions of the Graduate Faculty: a Study Group on Germany, attended by Eduard Heimann, Erich Hula, Karl Mayer, Albert Salomon, Riezler, [Leo Strauss](/people/leo-strauss/), Horace Kallen and Felix Kaufmann, and the Totalitarian Communication Project organized by [Hans Speier](/people/hans-speier/) and [Ernst Kris](/people/ernst-kris/). It lists Riezler among the researchers associated with the "University-in-Exile", and notes among the Institute's studies those done in conjunction with, or on the commission of, U.S. war offices.[^61] The finding aid for the papers of the philosopher Reuben Abel lists Riezler among the lecturers whose New School lectures Abel attended.[^62] Thompson writes that Riezler took part in joint seminars with Karen Horney, Speier and Wertheimer, in seminars on Aristotle and Plato with Kurt von Fritz at [Columbia University](/organizations/columbia-university/), and in the weekly General Seminars; that he argued with the dean, Hans Staudinger, over faculty appointments; and that he spent long periods at the University of Chicago.[^56]

Leo Strauss first met Riezler in 1938, at the New School, when Riezler was already well into his fifties. Strauss describes a relationship of colleagues that became a simple and firm friendship over several years. Strauss left for Chicago in 1949 and after that saw Riezler only at long intervals.[^63]

Riezler and Strauss shared an interest in the foundations of the social sciences and taught a couple of courses together in the mid-1940s, one on Aristotle's *De anima* and Descartes's *Passions of the Soul* with Solomon Asch, and one on Plato's *Theaetetus* with Alexandre Koyré.[^64] In 1945 Riezler published "Some Critical Remarks on Man's Science of Man" in *Social Research*.[^65] Strauss's paper from about the same time states that its objections "are based on full agreement with what Riezler says or implies about the present state of affairs," and then argues that Riezler's demand for one science of man rests on "quite specific, and by no means self-evident, presuppositions."[^64]

The New School Archives hold a faculty vertical file for Riezler (Box 10, Folder 18, collection NS-08-02-02).[^66] Strauss's eulogy for Riezler appeared in *Social Research* in 1956, and was reprinted in *What Is Political Philosophy?* in 1959. In it Strauss wrote that "[t]he term 'professor' does not designate anything of him, but the term 'gentleman' does."[^63] Theodor Heuss's memorial article appeared in the same issue of *Social Research*.[^67]

[^1]: Becker, Bert, "Riezler, Kurt Karl Joseph Siegmund (Pseudonym J. J. Ruedorffer)," *Neue Deutsche Biographie* 21 (2003), pp. 618-619, the biographical article on Riezler, including its literature list. https://www.deutsche-biographie.de/gnd118601008.html
[^2]: Afflerbach, Holger, "Ein Fukuyama seiner Zeit? Kurt Riezler und der Erste Weltkrieg," *Akademie Aktuell* 4 (2008), pp. 20-23, on the destroyed Bethmann papers (p. 20), the 1914 books (the first dated 1912) and the Rothfels reading (p. 21), the heirs' hesitation and closure of the papers (pp. 20-21), the edition's reception (pp. 20-21), Sösemann's collation (p. 21), Ullrich (p. 21), Stern (p. 22) and Mommsen (p. 23). https://badw.de/fileadmin/pub/akademieAktuell/2008/27/07_Afflerbach.pdf
[^3]: Erdmann, Karl Dietrich, ed., *Kurt Riezler: Tagebücher, Aufsätze, Dokumente* (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1972), series Deutsche Geschichtsquellen des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts, vol. 48, editor's introduction and notes.
[^4]: Fischer, Fritz, *Juli 1914: Wir sind nicht hineingeschlittert. Das Staatsgeheimnis um die Riezler-Tagebücher* (Reinbek, 1983), pp. 48, 61 and 79ff, and Schulte, Bernd F., *Die Verfälschung der Riezler-Tagebücher* (Frankfurt am Main, 1985), pp. 58ff, both as cited in Wenzel, "Auf verlorenem Posten," *Zeitschrift des Forschungsverbundes SED-Staat* 25 (2009), p. 159, note 9.
[^5]: Kalliope-Verbund, finding-aid record DE-611-BF-114654, Bundesarchiv (Koblenz), "Nachlass Riezler, Kurt," Signatur N 1584, "1910-1983. - 10 Nummern," remark "Tagebücher und Aufzeichnungen, Untersuchungsdokumente zur Echtheit der Tagebücher Riezlers." http://kalliope-verbund.info/DE-611-BF-114654
[^6]: Sösemann, Bernd, "Die 'Juli-Krise' im Riezler-Tagebuch. Eine kritische Edition (7. Juli bis 15. August 1914)," *Historische Zeitschrift* 298, no. 3 (2014), pp. 686-707, published online June 1, 2014 by De Gruyter Oldenbourg. DOI https://doi.org/10.1515/hzhz-2014-0219
[^7]: Mommsen, Wolfgang J., a short study of Riezler in *Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht* (1974), pp. 193-209, as listed in NDB and quoted in Afflerbach, "Ein Fukuyama seiner Zeit?," p. 23.
[^8]: Zeman, Z. A. B., ed., *Germany and the Revolution in Russia 1915-1918: Documents from the Archives of the German Foreign Ministry* (London: Oxford University Press, 1958), telegram No. 40, State Secretary at General Headquarters to the Foreign Ministry, January 13, 1915, with note 1 giving Riezler's career.
[^9]: Z. A. B. Zeman and W. B. Scharlau, *The Merchant of Revolution: The Life of Alexander Israel Helphand (Parvus), 1867-1924* (London: Oxford University Press, 1965), p. 145 (Jagow's agreement of January 10, 1915 to Helphand's reception; Riezler sent from General Headquarters). Page numbers are those of the archive.org lending copy merchantofrevolu0000zabz.
[^10]: Erdmann, *Tagebücher, Aufsätze, Dokumente*, editor's introduction, p. 83 and note 3 (Parvus's approach through Constantinople, Riezler's doubts, the Helphand memorandum of March 9, 1915, text in Scharlau and Zeman).
[^11]: Wenzel, Otto, "Auf verlorenem Posten. Legationsrat Kurt Riezler an der Deutschen Gesandtschaft Moskau im Jahre 1918," *Zeitschrift des Forschungsverbundes SED-Staat* 25 (2009), pp. 159-160, on Riezler's career, the late February 1915 meeting of Jagow and Parvus (note 10) and the Riezler-Fonds (note 11). https://www.zeitschrift-fsed.fu-berlin.de/index.php/zfsed/article/download/309/293/594
[^12]: Thompson, Wayne C., *In the Eye of the Storm: Kurt Riezler and the Crises of Modern Germany* (Iowa City: University of Iowa Press, 1980), pp. 130-131, on the referral of Parvus by Ambassador Wangenheim on January 8, 1915 and Riezler's meeting with him on March 6, 1915.
[^13]: Possony, Stefan T., *Lenin: The Compulsive Revolutionary* (Chicago: Henry Regnery, 1964), chapter "Revolutionizing," on Parvus's plan, his reception by the German State Secretary, his discussions with Riezler and the sums of one million and 500,000 marks.
[^14]: Heresch, Elisabeth, *Geheimakte Parvus: Die gekaufte Revolution* (Munich, 2000), pp. 117-129 and 379-392, as cited in Wenzel, "Auf verlorenem Posten," p. 160, note 10.
[^15]: Zeman and Scharlau, *The Merchant of Revolution*, p. 152 (first payment of one million marks at the end of March 1915; transfer to Bucharest, Zurich and Copenhagen).
[^16]: Lyandres, Semion, "The Bolsheviks' 'German Gold' Revisited: An Inquiry into the 1917 Accusations," *Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies*, no. 1106 (Pittsburgh: Center for Russian and East European Studies, February 1995), conclusion, pp. 102-103, on the first million rubles, the Copenhagen organization and its agents. DOI https://doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1995.63. https://carlbeckpapers.pitt.edu/ojs/cbp/article/view/63 Lyandres gives the 1915 sum in rubles; Wenzel and Possony give marks.
[^17]: Zeman, *Germany and the Revolution in Russia*, document 36, telegram No. 560, Minister in Copenhagen to the Foreign Ministry, April 9, 1917, with note 1 (reply of April 10 from Zimmermann; Radek's account in Platten's pamphlet *Die Reise Lenins durch Deutschland*, Berlin, 1924, p. 66; Radek and Hanecki as Helphand's two closest contacts among the Bolsheviks).
[^18]: Erdmann, *Tagebücher, Aufsätze, Dokumente*, editor's introduction, pp. 84-85 and the note on Brecht, Kurt von Fritz and Rheindorf (Brecht's letter to Erdmann of September 8, 1970; Brecht, *Aus nächster Nähe: Lebenserinnerungen 1884-1927*, Stuttgart, 1966, p. 325), including the passage on the Berlin stop and Possony's speculation (Possony, *Lenin. Eine Biographie*, German edition 1965, pp. 262ff).
[^19]: Possony, *Lenin: The Compulsive Revolutionary*, chapter "The Sealed Car," on the delay of the train in Berlin and Riezler. Possony gives no source for what Riezler told a friend.
[^20]: Thompson, *In the Eye of the Storm*, p. 137, on the Berlin layover and Riezler's statement to a friend.
[^21]: Erdmann, *Tagebücher, Aufsätze, Dokumente*, editor's introduction, pp. 85-87 and notes 47, 52, 53 and 54 (re-entry into the Foreign Office on August 5, 1917; the Nadolny memorandum of September 24 and the Michaelis decree of September 29, 1917; the diary entries of October 3, 1917 and January 14, 1918; the request of two million marks, Zeman documents 72 and 78).
[^22]: Zeman, *Germany and the Revolution in Russia*, introduction, pp. viii-ix, and the editorial note to telegram No. 40 (January 13, 1915), note 1, giving Riezler's career.
[^23]: Thompson, *In the Eye of the Storm*, pp. 138-139 and note 32, which cites Riezler's diary (pp. 453-454), Zeman documents 72, 75, 78-79 and 94, and Possony's *Lenin* (pp. 192, 241-242, 248, 255).
[^24]: Pipes, Richard, *Die Russische Revolution*, vol. 2 (Berlin, 1992), p. 467, as cited in Wenzel, "Auf verlorenem Posten," p. 160, note 11.
[^25]: Erdmann, *Tagebücher, Aufsätze, Dokumente*, editor's introduction, p. 87, note 54, citing Zeman, document 129 for the term "Riezlerfonds".
[^26]: Zeman and Scharlau, *The Merchant of Revolution*, pp. 240-243 (Helphand received by Riezler in Stockholm; the abbreviated address; Vorovski; the discrediting of Helphand and Erzberger).
[^27]: Zeman, *Germany and the Revolution in Russia*, doc. 72, telegram No. 1796, Minister in Stockholm to the Foreign Ministry, November 8, 1917, signed "Riezler. T".
[^28]: Zeman, *Germany and the Revolution in Russia*, doc. 78, telegram No. 1526, under state secretary to the minister in Stockholm, November 10, 1917, "For Riezler."
[^29]: Zeman and Scharlau, *The Merchant of Revolution*, pp. 235-236 (the Treasury's allowance of November 9, 1917 and "a further two million for known purposes").
[^30]: Possony, *Lenin: The Compulsive Revolutionary*, chapter "The Armed Uprising," on the requests of November 8 and 10, 1917.
[^31]: Thompson, *In the Eye of the Storm*, p. 139.
[^32]: Zeman, *Germany and the Revolution in Russia*, doc. 94, telegram No. 1925, State Secretary to the Foreign Ministry Liaison Officer at General Headquarters, December 3, 1917, pp. 94-95.
[^33]: Lyandres, "The Bolsheviks' 'German Gold' Revisited," pp. 102-104 and note 150 (the Moor contribution of summer 1917, the Central Committee minutes, the Third Zimmerwald Conference). DOI https://doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1995.63
[^34]: Wenzel, "Auf verlorenem Posten," pp. 160-162, quoting the Riezler diary edition, pp. 683, 685, 687-688, 691, 694, 696-698 and 701-708 (telegram of November 12, 1917; letter of November 25; Vorovsky; the report of January 24, 1918; the letter of March 8, 1918).
[^35]: Erdmann, *Tagebücher, Aufsätze, Dokumente*, editor's introduction, pp. 86-87 (Riezler's diary characterizations of Radek, Fürstenberg-Hanecki and Vorovsky-Orlovsky; Riezler to the Foreign Office, Stockholm, December 8, 1917, Zeman document 100).
[^36]: Erdmann, *Tagebücher, Aufsätze, Dokumente*, editor's introduction, pp. 88-89 (Parvus's talks with Ebert, Scheidemann, Radek and Vorovsky).
[^37]: Zeman, *Germany and the Revolution in Russia*, doc. 109, telegram No. 2065, Minister in Stockholm to the Foreign Ministry, December 18, 1917, signed "Riezler. T".
[^38]: Zeman, *Germany and the Revolution in Russia*, doc. 110, telegram No. 1750, under state secretary to the minister in Stockholm, December 19, 1917, "For Riezler."
[^39]: Zeman, *Germany and the Revolution in Russia*, doc. 111, letter from the counsellor of legation in Stockholm to Minister Diego Bergen, December 24, 1917, with enclosed "Secret Memorandum."
[^40]: Wenzel, "Auf verlorenem Posten," p. 162, and note 25 citing Erdmann, *Tagebücher, Aufsätze, Dokumente*, p. 103. Wenzel gives Mirbach's arrival as April 24, 1918 in his introduction (p. 159) and April 23 in the main text (p. 162).
[^41]: Wenzel, "Auf verlorenem Posten," pp. 163-164, citing Mirbach's transmission of the minutes of April 29, 1918.
[^42]: Zeman, *Germany and the Revolution in Russia*, doc. 128, telegram No. 122, Minister in Moscow to the Foreign Ministry, dispatched May 17, 1918.
[^43]: Zeman, *Germany and the Revolution in Russia*, doc. 129, telegram No. 121, State Secretary to the minister in Moscow, May 18, 1918, signed Kühlmann.
[^44]: Wenzel, "Auf verlorenem Posten," pp. 165-166 (June 2 letter, note 42; June funds, note 44; June 4 telegram, note 45; June 20 report, notes 46-48), citing PAAA R 2062, Deutschland 131 secr., vol. 18, Bl. 149f. and 157; PAAA R 2003, Deutschland 131, vol. 40, Bl. 78ff.; the Riezler diary edition, pp. 709-710; and a copy of Rödern's reply in Heresch, *Geheimakte Parvus*, p. 358. Wenzel himself refers to the Bolsheviks as having come to power with German money, citing a Spiegel TV broadcast of 2007 and Heresch.
[^45]: Thompson, *In the Eye of the Storm*, p. 155.
[^46]: Thompson, *In the Eye of the Storm*, pp. 152-154, on the visit of July 6, 1918.
[^47]: Wenzel, "Auf verlorenem Posten," p. 167, citing PAAA R 22316, Russland 31k, vol. 1 (Riezler's telegram of July 7, 1918) and Volkogonov, *Lenin. Utopie und Terror* (Düsseldorf, 1993), p. 180.
[^48]: Wenzel, "Auf verlorenem Posten," pp. 173-176, on Helfferich's recall on the ninth day, the move to Petrograd and Pskov (arrival August 23, 1918), the diary entry of September 12, 1918 and the appointment of October 7, 1918.
[^49]: Wenzel, "Auf verlorenem Posten," pp. 167-171, citing among others Pipes, *Die Russische Revolution* 2, p. 507, the Riezler diary edition, pp. 717 and 719-720, and PAAA R 22316 and R 10109.
[^50]: Wenzel, "Auf verlorenem Posten," p. 168 and note 61, citing Hans von Saucken's memorandum of Riezler's oral account, New York, September 29, 1952, and its addendum of October 31, 1952, printed in Erdmann, *Tagebücher, Aufsätze, Dokumente*, pp. 713ff.
[^51]: Thompson, *In the Eye of the Storm*, pp. 211-213.
[^52]: Thompson, *In the Eye of the Storm*, pp. 214-215.
[^53]: Koolwaay, Jens, "Chronik zu Karl Mannheims Frankfurter Zeit," version 0.3 (July 2, 2007), entries for August 14, 1929, November 8, 1929, December 17 and 21, 1929, January 27 and April 1, 1930, and June 27, 1931. https://wiki.studiumdigitale.uni-frankfurt.de/SOZFRA/images/archive/b/b3/20070723092823%21Chronik.pdf
[^54]: Barboza, Amalia, "Die verpassten Chancen einer Kooperation zwischen der 'Frankfurter Schule' und Karl Mannheims Soziologischem Seminar" (PDF), on Riezler's aims and the Löwe appointment (citing Löwe 2004, p. 93), the neighbouring institute, the meetings in Riezler's and Tillich's homes, and the June 27, 1931 meeting (citing Tillich 1983). https://wiki.studiumdigitale.uni-frankfurt.de/SOZFRA/images/8/85/BarbozaFrankfurt.pdf
[^55]: Liebermann Villa Berlin, "Women in focus," audio guide, on the marriage on May 11, 1915, the birth of Maria Martha Margarethe Riezler on March 27, 1917, and Käthe Liebermann's dates. https://liebermann-villa.de/en/audioguide/women-in-focus/
[^56]: Thompson, *In the Eye of the Storm*, p. 217 (December 1938 departure), pp. 227-228 (New School, joint seminars, Staudinger, Chicago), and the note on the marriage of May 11, 1915.
[^57]: Deutsches Literaturarchiv Marbach, Normdaten record PE00079064, "Riezler, Kurt (1882-1955)," affiliations ("New School for Social Research <New York, NY> (1919-1997) (ca. 1939-1954)") and relations ("Liebermann, Käthe (1885-1955), Ehefrau 1915"). https://www.dla-marbach.de/en/catalogue/find/opac/id/PE00079064/
[^58]: Editors' Note, *Social Research* 23, no. 1 (Spring 1956), p. 233 (footnote to Leo Strauss, "Kurt Riezler, 1882-1955"): "Kurt Riezler was Professor of Philosophy in the Graduate Faculty of the New School from 1939 to 1952, when he became Professor Emeritus."
[^59]: Thompson, *In the Eye of the Storm*, p. 232.
[^60]: Kalliope-Verbund, authority record for Riezler, Kurt (1882-1955), GND 118601008, biographical notes (including "1934 Schutzhaft und Versetzung in den Ruhestand" and "1944 Ausbürgerung"). http://kalliope-verbund.info/gnd/118601008
[^61]: The New School Archives and Special Collections, "Institute of World Affairs records," record group NS-02-16-01, historical note and scope and contents. https://findingaids.archives.newschool.edu/repositories/3/resources/235
[^62]: The New School Archives and Special Collections, "Reuben Abel papers," collection NA-0003-01, scope and contents (list of lecturers). https://findingaids.archives.newschool.edu/repositories/3/resources/165
[^63]: Strauss, Leo, "Kurt Riezler (1882-1955)," *Social Research* 23 (1956), pp. 233-258, reprinted in *What Is Political Philosophy? And Other Studies* (1959).
[^64]: Colen, José A., and Svetozar Minkov, "Leo Strauss on Social and Natural Science: Two Previously Unpublished Papers," *The Review of Politics* 76, no. 4 (2014), pp. 619-633, introduction, and Strauss's paper "The frame of reference in the social sciences" (Leo Strauss Papers, Box 14, Folder 10). DOI https://doi.org/10.1017/S003467051400059X
[^65]: Riezler, Kurt, "Some Critical Remarks on Man's Science of Man," *Social Research* 12, no. 4 (1945), pp. 481-505, as listed in Colen and Minkov.
[^66]: The New School Archives and Special Collections, "Riezler, Kurt," File, Box 10, Folder 18, New School faculty vertical files collection (NS-08-02-02). https://findingaids.archives.newschool.edu/repositories/3/archival_objects/43221
[^67]: Heuss, Theodor, "A Word in Memory of Kurt Riezler," *Social Research* 23, no. 1 (Spring 1956), opening article of the issue.


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